平津侯主父列传 — Shiji

In the first year of the Jianyuan era, when the Emperor had recently ascended the throne, he issued a summons for worthy and talented scholars. Hong was then sixty years old, and was summoned as a man of virtue to serve as a Court Academician. He was sent on a mission to the Xiongnu. Upon his return he presented his report, but it failed to please the Emperor, who flew into a rage, declaring him incompetent. Hong thereupon resigned due to illness and returned home.

In the fifth year of the Yuanguang era, an edict called for literary scholars. The Zichuan principality again recommended Gongsun Hong. Hong declined, saying to his fellow citizens: "I have already once gone to answer the summons and, found wanting, returned home in disgrace. I would ask that you recommend someone else." The people, however, insisted on recommending him, and Hong proceeded to the office of the Taichang. The Taichang presented the essays of all the recommended scholars—over a hundred candidates—and Hong was ranked lowest among them. When the essays were submitted, however, the Emperor raised Hong's responses to first place. Summoning him for an audience and finding his appearance most handsome, the Emperor appointed him Court Academician.

At that time the court was opening routes through the southwestern Yi territories and establishing commanderies, causing the people of Ba and Shu great hardship. An imperial edict sent Hong to examine the situation. Upon his return he reported at length, denouncing the southwestern venture as utterly useless, but the Emperor would not listen.

Hong was a man of bold temperament and wide learning. He often remarked that a ruler's failing was a lack of generosity of spirit, while a minister's failing was a lack of frugality. Hong wore a quilt of coarse cloth and ate simple meals without multiple courses. When his stepmother died, he observed the full three-year mourning period. At every court council he would set forth the various options, allowing the ruler to choose for himself, and would never confront or argue directly.

The Emperor observed that Hong's conduct was sincere and honest, that his debating was shrewd, that he was versed in legal documents and administrative affairs, and that he adorned everything with Confucian learning. The Emperor was greatly pleased. Within two years he had risen to the position of Left Internal Secretary. When Hong presented proposals, if he found something unacceptable, he would argue his case rather than simply defer. Once, together with the Master of the North, Ji An, he requested a private audience. Ji An spoke first, and Hong followed up on his points. The Emperor was frequently pleased with this, and whatever Hong proposed the Emperor readily accepted. As a result, Hong's standing rose daily.

Once Hong had made an agreement with the other ministers, but when he appeared before the Emperor he would abandon that agreement to comply with the sovereign's wishes. Ji An confronted him publicly: "The people of Qi are deceitful and insincere. You helped us draft this proposal, and now you have abandoned it all—this is disloyalty!" The Emperor questioned Hong. Hong replied: "Those who understand a man call him loyal; those who do not understand him call him disloyal." The Emperor found Hong's reasoning convincing. Any trusted courtiers who spoke ill of Hong only made the Emperor treat him more generously.

In the third year of Yuanshuo, Zhang Ou was dismissed, and Hong was appointed Grandee Secretary. At that time the court was opening the southwestern Yi territories, establishing the Canghai commandery in the east, and building frontier settlements in the north. Hong repeatedly remonstrated, arguing that these campaigns exhausted the central realm to serve useless territories, and requesting that they be abandoned. The Emperor then had Zhu Maichen and others set forth arguments for establishing the frontier settlements, presenting ten points. Hong could not answer even one. He thereupon submitted: "This lowly man from east of the mountains does not understand the advantages of your plan. I ask that the southwestern Yi territories, Canghai, and the frontier settlements all be abandoned, and that all effort be concentrated on the northern frontier." The Emperor approved this.

Eventually Hong was made Chancellor and enfeoffed as Marquis of Pingjin. Hong was a man of hidden resentments—outwardly generous but inwardly calculating. Any who had quarreled with him, though he might treat them well on the surface, secretly brought them to ruin. The execution of Zhu Fuyan and the transfer of Dong Zhongshu to Jiaoxi were both accomplished through Hong's influence. He ate simple food of single dishes and unmilled grain. For old acquaintances and guests he loved, he provided food and clothing, using all his salary for them, so that nothing remained for his household. Scholars for this reason regarded him as a man of virtue.

When the Huainan and Hengshan princes plotted rebellion, the investigation of their associates was at its height. Hong, critically ill, reflected that he had received a marquisate without performing any service, had risen to the position of Chancellor, and ought to assist his wise lord in pacifying and securing the realm, guiding others in the path of loyalty. Yet now the princes harbored schemes of rebellion—this must surely be because the Chief Minister had not fulfilled his duties. He feared he might die of illness before he could answer for this failing. He therefore presented a memorial:

"I have heard that there are five great principles by which the realm operates, and three virtues by which they are practiced. The relationships of ruler and minister, father and son, elder and younger brother, husband and wife, and the order of age—these five are the great principles by which the realm operates. Wisdom, benevolence, and courage—these three are the great virtues by which the principles are practiced. Hence it is said: 'One who acts with vigor approaches benevolence; one who loves asking questions approaches wisdom; one who knows shame approaches courage.' He who understands these three understands self-governance; he who understands self-governance then understands how to govern others. No one in the world who cannot govern himself can govern others—this is a principle that will never change through a hundred generations. Now Your Majesty personally practices great filial piety, emulating the Xia, Shang, and Zhou rulers, establishing the ways of the Zhou dynasty, uniting Wen and Wu, encouraging the worthy and assigning stipends according to their abilities, granting offices matched to their talents. I, Hong, am but a worthless reed, without the merit of hard work in war, yet Your Majesty in your exceeding kindness have promoted me from the ranks, enfeoffed me as a Marquis, and raised me to the Three Preceptors. My conduct and abilities do not match such honors, and I have long suffered illness. I fear I may die before I can repay your kindness or answer for my responsibilities. I wish to return my marquisate seal and ask that my bones be buried at home, making way for the worthy."

The Emperor replied: "In ancient times rewards were given for merit, honors for virtue; in maintaining stability one valued culture, in facing crisis one valued military strength—never has this changed. I have long hoped to uphold this noble position, fearing I might not find peace. Is it not right that those who share the governance with me should understand this? The superior man loves good and hates evil—if you conduct yourself with caution, this will always reflect on me. Should you unfortunately fall ill from exposure, how could a minor ailment prevent you from serving? To present a memorial asking to return your marquisate and requesting burial at home—this would display my lack of virtue. Now that affairs have eased somewhat, do you reflect and concentrate your mind, aided by medicine and rest." He thereupon granted Hong leave and sent gifts of cattle, wine, and various silks. After several months, Hong's illness had improved enough for him to resume duties.

The reason Qin's government failed was that authority was split between two princes—a clear demonstration of gain and loss. Hence the Zhou Shu says: 'Safety or peril lies in the orders issued; survival or destruction lies in the men employed.' I beg Your Majesty to examine this in detail, to give it your attention and reflect deeply. At that time, Xu Le of Zhao and Yan An of Qi both presented memorials on the affairs of the age, each addressing one matter. Xu Le said: 'I have heard that the calamity of the empire lies in internal collapse, not in external disintegration, and it has been so from ancient times to the present. What is internal collapse? The final years of Qin are an example.'

In the second year of Yuanshou, Hong fell seriously ill and died in office as Chancellor. His son Du succeeded him as Marquis of Pingjin. Du served as Administrator of Shanyang for over ten years, but lost his title for violating the law.

Zhu Fuyan was a native of Linzi in Qi. He studied the art of political strategy and the Vertical and Horizontal schools, and only late in life studied the Yijing, Spring and Autumn Annals, and the teachings of the Hundred Schools. He traveled among the scholars of Qi, but none would treat him with generosity. The Confucian scholars of Qi united to exclude and ostracize him, giving him no place in that realm. Being poor, he could obtain neither loans nor patronage. He traveled north to Yan, Zhao, and Zhongshan, but again no one would treat him generously. As a guest in those courts he lived in great hardship.

In the Yuanguang era, convinced that no feudal lord was worthy of his services, he went west into the capital and sought an audience with the General-in-Chief. The General-in-Chief repeatedly recommended him to the Emperor, but the Emperor would not summon him. Running short of funds and remaining there a long time, the many scholars and guests who patronized him grew weary. Finally he presented a memorial to the palace gates. His memorial was presented in the morning, and by evening he was summoned for an audience. His memorial contained nine proposals: eight concerning laws and regulations, and one concerning the expedition against the Xiongnu. The memorial read:

"I have heard that the enlightened ruler does not resent frank remonstrance in order to broaden his view, and the loyal minister does not avoid severe punishment in order to offer forthright counsel. Thus no stratagem is lost and achievements flow through ten thousand generations. Now I dare not conceal my loyalty or avoid death to offer my foolish plan, and I humbly hope Your Majesty will in your grace pardon me and consider it briefly.

The Master of the Art of War says: 'Though a state may be great, if it loves war it will surely perish; though the realm may be at peace, if it forgets war it will surely be in danger.' Now that the realm is at peace, the Son of Heaven drums the Great Conquest in spring and autumn; the princes hold spring assemblies and autumn military exercises, all to avoid forgetting war. Moreover, anger is a contrary virtue, weapons are instruments of ill omen, and dispute is a trivial matter. When an ancient ruler became angry, he brought about corpses strewn about and blood flowing. Hence the sage-kings gave great weight to such actions. Those who devoted themselves to victory and pursued warfare without end—none escaped regret.

Furthermore, he forced the empire to transport grain by swift boats and carts, from the coastal commanderies of Huang and Zhui and Langye, northward to the Yellow River—approximately sixty-four bushels transported for every bushel that arrived. Men tilled the fields urgently yet still could not produce enough grain for the army; women spun and wove yet still could not supply sufficient cloth for the tents. The people were exhausted, the widowed and orphaned, the elderly and weak, could not sustain one another. Dead bodies lined the roads—this is what caused the realm to first rebel against Qin!

When Emperor Gaozu established the realm and extended the borders, he heard that the Xiongnu had gathered beyond the Dai Valley and wished to attack them. The Imperial Secretary Cheng Jin advised: 'This should not be done. The Xiongnu, by nature, gather like beasts and scatter like birds—to pursue them is to chase shadows. Now to attack the Xiongnu with Your Majesty's great virtue—I truly consider this dangerous.' Emperor Gaozu would not listen, and went north to the Dai Valley, and indeed suffered the siege at Pingcheng. The Emperor deeply regretted this and sent Liu Jing to negotiate a marriage alliance. Only then did the realm forget the matter of war.

Moreover, prolonged warfare breeds rebellion; prolonged suffering breeds rash thinking. When frontier peoples are exhausted and miserable, their hearts turn away. When generals and officials grow suspicious, they conspire for private gain. Hence men like Wu Tian and Zhang Han were able to accomplish their personal schemes. The reason Qin's government failed was that power was divided between two men—these were the consequences of that failure. The Book of Zhou says: 'Safety and danger lie in issuing commands; survival and destruction lie in the choice of ministers.' I humbly hope Your Majesty will examine this carefully and give it thoughtful consideration."

At this time a man of Zhao named Xu Le and a man of Qi named Yan An both presented memorials on affairs of the realm. Xu Le said: "I have heard that the realm's danger lies in 'earthquakes,' not in 'avalanches'—this has been true since ancient times. What is meant by 'earthquake'? It is the late period of Qin. Chen She had no carriage of a prince, no foot of territory. He was neither a descendant of kings or dukes or great families, nor had he the reputation of a village, nor the virtue of Confucius, Mo Di, or Zengzi, nor the wealth of Tao Zhu or Yi Dou. Yet he rose from a narrow alley, brandishing a spear, baring one arm and raising a great cry, and the whole realm rushed to follow him like grass bending to the wind. What was the reason? It was because the people were in distress yet the ruler did not sympathize; the lower classes were aggrieved yet the ruler did not know; customs had become corrupt yet the ruler did not govern. These three things were what Chen She relied upon. This is what is meant by 'earthquake.' Hence we say: the realm's danger lies in 'earthquakes.'

What is meant by 'avalanches'? They are the armies of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Zhao. The seven kingdoms plotted great rebellion, each calling itself a ruler of a ten-thousand-chariot state, with soldiers by the hundreds of thousands. The terror they could inspire in their own territories was sufficient, and their wealth was enough to encourage their soldiers and people. Yet they could not seize a single foot of territory to the west, and their leaders were captured in the central plain. What was the reason? Not that their authority was weaker than a common man's or their armies weaker than Chen She's. The former Emperor's virtue had not yet faded, and the people who loved their native land and delighted in peaceful customs were many—so the princes had no outside assistance. This is what is meant by 'avalanches.' Hence we say: the realm's danger does not lie in 'avalanches.'

The Grand Historian remarked: Although Gongsun Hong cultivated righteousness and personal conduct, he also met with a timely opportunity. The Han dynasty had been founded for more than eighty years, and the emperor was just then turning towards literary studies, recruiting outstanding talents to broaden the influence of Confucianism and Mohism. Gongsun Hong was recommended as the foremost among them. When Zhufu Yan was in power, all the high officials praised him; but once his reputation was destroyed and he was put to death, the scholars vied with one another to speak ill of him. How lamentable! The Grand Empress Dowager issued an edict to the Grand Minister of Education and the Grand Minister of Works: 'It is said that the way to govern a state begins with enriching the common people; and the key to enriching the people lies in frugality.'

These two situations are the clear essentials of safety and danger—wise rulers should pay attention to them and examine them deeply."

Gongsun Hong’s son, Du, inherited the noble title. Later, serving as Grand Administrator of Shanyang, he lost his marquisate for violating the law. To honor virtue and manifest righteousness is the means by which customs are guided and transformation encouraged; it is the institution of sage kings and an unalterable principle. I bestow upon the descendant of Gongsun Hong’s line who should next succeed to the title the rank of Marquis of Guannei, with a fief of three hundred households. Summon him to the public carriage office, report his name to the Imperial Secretariat, and I will personally attend to confer the appointment. Ban Gu commented: ‘Gongsun Hong, Bu Shi, and Er Kuan all had wings that could have borne them soaring like swans into the distance, yet they were trapped among swallows and sparrows, far away among sheep and pigs. Had they not met the right time, how could they have attained such positions?’ At this time the Han had been established for over sixty years; the land within the seas was peaceful, the treasuries were full, but the surrounding barbarians had not yet submitted, and many institutions were lacking. The Emperor now desired to employ both civil and military talents, seeking them as if he could not find them fast enough. He began by welcoming Master Mei with a chariot cushioned with cattails, and when he met with Zhufu Yan, he sighed with regret. The ministers all aspired to be near him, and extraordinary men emerged together.

Bu Shi was tried out from among the herders, Sang Hongyang was promoted from the merchant ranks, Wei Qing rose from a slave, and Jin Midi emerged from a surrendered captive. Such men were of the same kind as those who in former times pounded earth to build walls or fed oxen. The Han dynasty’s acquisition of talent reached its zenith in this period. For refined scholarship there were Gongsun Hong, Dong Zhongshu, and Ni Kuan; for steadfast conduct, Shi Jian and Shi Qing; for plain-speaking integrity, Ji An and Bu Shi; for recommending the worthy, Han Anguo and Zheng Dangshi; for establishing laws and decrees, Zhao Yu and Zhang Tang; for literary composition, Sima Qian and Sima Xiangru; for wit and humor, Dongfang Shuo and Mei Gao; for replying to imperial queries, Yan Zhu and Zhu Maichen; for calendrical reckoning, Tang Du and Luoxia Hong; for harmonizing pitch standards, Li Yannian; for calculations and strategy, Sang Hongyang; for serving as envoys, Zhang Qian and Su Wu; for generalship, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing; and for receiving the dying emperor’s testament, Huo Guang and Jin Midi.

The rest are too numerous to record. Thus, the achievements and institutions they created were unsurpassed by later generations. Emperor Xuan inherited the throne, carried on and expanded the grand enterprise, also expounded the Six Classics, and recruited outstanding talents. Xiao Wangzhi, Liangqiu He, Xiahou Sheng, Wei Xuancheng, Yan Pengzu, and Yin Gengshi advanced through Confucian learning; Liu Xiang and Wang Bao gained renown through their literary works. Among generals and ministers were Zhang Anshi, Zhao Chongguo, Wei Xiang, Bing Ji, Yu Dingguo, and Du Yannian; among those who governed the people were Huang Ba, Wang Cheng, Gong Sui, Zheng Hong, Shao Xinchen, Han Yanshou, Yin Wenggui, Zhao Guanghan, and others, all of whom left achievements recorded by later generations. When listing notable ministers, these too rank among the best.